Also secondly, the “leading from behind” doctrine has contributed to the perception that the U.S. was disengaging from the region. 19.

132; www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm199900/cmselect/cmfaff/28/2802.htm (concluding that “at the very least, the doctrine of humanitarian intervention has a tenuous basis in current international customary law, and that this renders NATO action legally questionable”). 3 (Fall 2011), p. 288. and “It’s so at odds with the John Wayne expectation for what America is in the world…but it’s necessary for shepherding us through this phase.” Billed as a solution to both American hubris and American resource constraints, the Obama doctrine sought greater European military leadership, allowing America to accomplish its objectives while stepping back. Email your librarian or administrator to recommend adding this journal to your organisation's collection. Washington conducted the Libyan mission in a manner to spare the United States dollars and casualties. 30 Compare Seybolt, Taylor B., Humanitarian Military Intervention: The Conditions for Success and Failure (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007). As such, Washington touted it as a “model intervention.”41, Academic library - free online college e textbooks - info{at}ebrary.net - © 2014 - 2020. Second, did “leading from behind” actually work? 7 SC Res 1674 (2006), para. He warned that “if we try to overthrow Qaddafi by force.... We would likely have to put U.S. troops on the ground.” The president went on to outline his foreign policy philosophy that governed his decision: “We went down that road in Iraq.” He added: “regime change there [Iraq] took eight years, thousands of American and Iraqi lives, and nearly a trillion dollars.” In his judgment, this was not a prescription that America could afford again.30. In a resolution on the Great Lakes Region, the Council underscored that “governments in the region have a primary responsibility to protect their populations”: SC Res 1653 (2006), para. As the 2013 version of The Military Balance concluded, rather than heralding Europe’s emergence as an independent security power, the Libyan operation “highlighted the limitations of Europe’s military capabilities.”.

2013. In his national address, Obama outlined his strategy only to end the Libyan dictator’s deadly attack on Benghazi, not a regime-change mission. 3 International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS), The Responsibility to Protect (Ottawa: International Development Research Centre, 2001); www.iciss.ca. In reality, the plan for the cutback in America’s commitment existed before the onset of Odyssey Dawn. 20 Evans, Gareth, The Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and for All (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution, 2008), pp. Lastly, is the Libya model replicable in the future? Above all, “leading from behind” still did not avoid anti-American sentiment on the ground, as fatally demonstrated by the attack on the American consulate in Benghazi that killed four U.S. officials, including our Ambassador Christopher Stevens in September 2012. Nearly three years after an anonymous Obama adviser coined the term “leading from behind,” the Libya intervention—and the “new,” more humble, more multilateral way of war it represented—remains mired in controversy.

Sadly, Libya was likely the best-case scenario for implementing such an approach. Second, Libya’s topography—with vast stretches of open desert terrain between population centers—reduced the strain on intelligence and reconnaissance capabilities. BOBICK, MICHAEL S. 31 Chivers, C. J., “Libyan Rebels Don't Really Add Up to an Army,” New York Times, April 7, 2011. Lockerbie in December 1989. and His spokesmen took pains to explain that entering a third conflict in the Middle East was not in the country’s best interests.

(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), pp. Raccourcis {title} . 24 Power, Samantha, A Problem from Hell: America and the Age of Genocide (New York: Basic Books, 2002). Finally, Gaddafi’s forces were third-rate and had been declining for some time. Brockmeier, Sarah Acheter cet article . According to officials directly involved, “the president canceled the mission three times in 2011 alone and delayed it throughout 2010.”36 Part of this indecision can be explained by Barack Obama’s own deeply held retrenchment policy.37 Another part of the explanation stems from the knowledge that influenced all White House occupants since Jimmy Carter’s failed hostage-rescue raid to free 52 American diplomats held by Iranian “students” after the takeover of the US Embassy in Tehran.

None of Qaddafi’s accommodations saved his murderous and corrupt rule from the Arab Spring revolt. Who’s Biggest? 247–50. After Qaddafi’s shooting death, the United Protector campaign lingered on until October 31, the date agreed upon by the Security Council to terminate the mandate for NATO’s military action.

They regarded themselves duped by the Libyan incident and resolved to never again be snookered by Washington.27, American leadership and martial power seemed abundantly forthcoming at the start of Operation Odyssey Dawn. U.S. cruise missiles took out the Libyan air defenses that allowed European jets to fly unchallenged, Americans flew three quarters of the tankers needed to sustain the approximate 100 sorties a day, and the U.S. quietly supplied precision-guided munitions when European countries ran short of supplies early on in the war. He spelled out these support roles as “including intelligence, logistical support, search-and-rescue assistance, and capabilities to jam regime communications.”29, The handoff fell well short of eliminating all American assistance such as airborne refueling tankers, surveillance planes, and other advance logistical services. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings. A year after the SEAL operation, the president spoke from Bagram Air Base in Afghanistan. Indeed, President Obama speaking in the White House’s East room depicted American tasks as merely “shaping” and “enabling operations.” He made it plain that the “United States is not going to deploy ground troops in Libya.” Obama officials added that the US actions included airstrikes to take down Libyan air defenses along with American command-and-control functions to enable bombing flights by NATO partners and United Arab Emirates aircraft.24 By spring 2011, Qaddafi’s relentless siege of the rebel’s stronghold in Benghazi appeared unstoppable, signaling an impending bloodbath for its defenders. Before a European audience, Hillary Clinton correctly summed up the administration’s handling of Libya: “We did not lead this.”33, Perceptions of Obama’s reluctance to engage wholeheartedly in armed enterprises dropped off the screen of his political opponents in light of Osama bin Laden’s death in Pakistan at the hands of US Navy SEALs on May 2. If anything, European success was over-determined: If Europe instead faced a more robust enemy, in more difficult terrain, farther from its borders, it is doubtful that it could achieve the same outcome. Qatar aided the rebels by providing arms and training. Standing up a democratic government enjoyed only moderate patronage from the Obama government.40 The 19-nation intervention accomplished its regime-change goal without allied casualties. In a not-so-subtle dig at the Bush Administration, the adviser went on to say, “It’s so at odds with the John Wayne expectation for what America is in the world…but it’s necessary for shepherding us through this phase.” Billed as a solution to both American hubris and American resource constraints, the Obama doctrine sought greater European military leadership, allowing America to accomplish its objectives while stepping back. 5 SC Res 1973 (2011), preamble (emphasis added). It had much less to do with enhancing the Arab Spring prospects for the birth of democracies.39 The administrations desired to maintain sound relations with its NATO allies, particularly France and Britain—the leading lights of the anti-Qaddafi attack.
Brommesson, Douglas The North African country had only recently moved from outright pariah status to a marginally acceptable regime by the West. Abstract views reflect the number of visits to the article landing page. 14; SC Res 1494 (2003), para. 18; and SC Res 1615 (2005), para. * Views captured on Cambridge Core between . The Reagan White House also ordered an airstrike that nearly killed Qaddafi in retaliation for a Libyan- instigated bombing in a Berlin disco. America’s role in Libya was hesitant and circumscribed from the beginning of the anti-Qaddafi revolt. Libya—Leading from Behind. and

2 See Bellamy, Alex J., “Libya and the Responsibility to Protect: The Exception and the Norm,” Ethics & International Affairs 25, no. Consequently, as the U.S. considers its future defense budget and global military posture, it faces a far bleaker choice: not whether to trade American global leadership for an equally benevolent European world order, but whether to give up its mantle of leadership and thereby create a void that can be filled by unfriendly, if not overtly hostile, actors. Check if you have access via personal or institutional login, COPYRIGHT: © Carnegie Council for Ethics in International Affairs 2011, Libya and the Responsibility to Protect: The Exception and the Norm, International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS), International Development Research Centre, Humanitarian Intervention: Ideas in Action, Responsibility to Protect: The Global Effort to End Mass Atrocities, Just War or Just Peace? Bush’s tenure, Qaddafi struck back by blowing up Pan Am flight 103 over the Scottish village of. Usage data cannot currently be displayed.
And yet the lackluster outcome notwithstanding, whether the “Libya model” more broadly can—and should—serve as the new paradigm in the American way of war remains less clear: Indeed, years after it ended, the war still raises three essential questions. Washington and other governments oversaw the dismantling of Qaddafi’s WMD facilities in the early 2000s. 12; SC Res 1467 (2003), para. Friberg-Fernros, Henrik

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22–27. 2014. Days after the dramatic SEAL operation, his job approval rating shot to 57 percent, up from 46 percent a month earlier.35. Combined with an unwillingness to enforce its red lines in Syria, an inability to respond to spiraling violence in Iraq, and a nuclear deal with Iran largely seen as defeatist, American allies, from Israel to Saudi Arabia, fear that America is withdrawing from the region. As made painfully clear by the recent Senate report on the 2012 Benghazi terrorist attacks, Libya today is not the American success story many would have hoped. In time, the international community eased its sanction regime, allowing for greater Tripoli oil sales. Seen through night-vision lenses aboard amphibious transport dock USS Ponce (LPD 15), guided missile destroyer USS Barry (DDG 52) fires Tomahawk cruise missiles in support of Operation Odyssey Dawn, Libya. What accounts for the sudden step back by the United States during the UN’s Libyan incursion? See Weiss, Thomas G., “RtoP Alive and Well After Libya,” Ethics & International Affairs 25, no. Even while voting for the authorizing resolution, the United States assumed none of its typical leadership in the implementation. « Leading from behind » : la stratégie de Barack Obama (...) 20/01/2020 • 9 min De l’engagement aux critiques, la position britannique (...) 16/01/2020 • 10 min Comprendre la crise libyenne (2019-2020) : contexte (...) 10/01/2020 • 11 min Décryptage de l'actualité au Moyen-Orient . Then, other NATO countries joined the fray with aerial bombing runs against forces loyal to Qaddafi.


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